“He used to say that he was born on Eid Day and now he has left on Eid Day, the mourning son of Sampat Prakash said while preparing for the last rites of his father.
At his residence in Srinagar’s Harwan area, a blue turbaned Sikh, a long-bearded Muslim and a plain shaven Hindu, a burqa wearing woman, a Saree wearing Hindu and a Shalwar wearing Sikh woman is not an uncommon sight. This is the Kashmir, he fought for and spoke about till the 85-year-old Sampat Prakash, passed away on Saturday due to a cardiac arrest.
From there, his pyre was shouldered by activists of Jammu Kashmir’s pro-establishment parties, business fraternity, Hurriyat conference, retired employees participated in his last rites and expressed solidarity with the bereaved family. Others through statements said Sampat Prakash was a true Kashmiri Nationalist and did not let his live for Kashmir slid away till his last breath.
Sampat’s love for Kashmir extended beyond the barriers of religion, politics or ethnic identities. In fact, his funeral may act as a testimonial to the centuries long religious tolerance and harmony Kashmir has been a witness to. “We have relatives in Jammu, but my father said that his last will was that his last rites be performed on his own soil (Kashmir). He had insisted that his ashes be immersed in river Jhelum,” said his son.
A great advocate of communal harmony, Sampat Prakash also stood for unity among religious, social, ethnic and political identities in Kashmir. He promoted inter-faith dialogue between Kashmiri Pandits, Muslims and Sikhs, which he believed had disappeared after the Kashmiri Pandit exodus of 1990.
Though, Sampat Prakash’s activism dated back to 1967 when he was arrested after calling for a general strike of J-K government employees to demand the right to receive benefits accorded to other Central and state government employees, he recently became highly popular after his videos appeared on several social media platform where he advocated for the rights of Kashmiris– a rare sight after August 2019, when BJP Government abrogated the special status of the region.
Since Aug 2019, Sampat had been advocating that the reimplementation of Articles 370 and 35A for Kashmir’s “defence and identity.” His 60 years fight for Jammu Kashmir never ended till his last breath. His son said, “Even a few days ago, he addressed a gathering in Srinagar where he called for the restoration of the rights of Kashmiris. Kashmir lived in every cell of his body. He dedicated his entire life for Kashmir, for our people,” said his wife.
Though Sampat Prakash travelled to several countries and states to represent Kashmir, he did not stay there for a long time and always rushed back to his homeland. “Even during winters, when we stayed in Jammu, he did not stay there for a long time. He used to say that he felt like he was sitting on thorns when he was in Jammu, because he loved Kashmir and was always ready to sacrifice himself for Kashmiriyat,” his son said.
Whenever Kashmiri Pandits spoke of the killing of Pandits during the recent years in private spaces, he asked thousands of Muslims have been killed too. “In response he always asked Muslims have lost lives, who will answer them?” said his son.
“His love for Kashmir was so immense that his death has gathered Kashmiris. His family is proud of him. We also love Kashmir, its people,” said his son.
Early life and Love for Kashmir
He witnessed his father Neel Kanth Kundu, the esteemed headmaster of Srinagar, supporting the Kashmiri Nationalist movement as a fervent ally of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, whose catchphrase “Sher-e-Kashmir Ka Kya Irshad… Hindu Muslim Sikh Itehaad” had brought Kashmiris together, when he was a student at the CM Tyndale Biscoe School.
Sampat grew under the distinguished teachings of his father who was a staunch nationalist and was one of the key advisors of Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah was drafting his Naya Kashmir Manifesto
During an interview, Prakash remembered that his father always taught him that Kashmiri Muslims were oppressed people, as they were being subjected to forced labour.
Then, as Pahtun tribes arrived in Kashmir during the dramatic episode of 1947, Sampat, then a little kid, went out to protest alongside his father on the call of Sheikh Abdullah, where the cry of “Beware invaders, we Kashmiris are ready” (Hamlawar Khabardaar, Hum Kashmiri Hain Tayaar) could be heard.
When Sheikh was detained in 1953, Sampat enrolled at Srinagar’s SP College, where he led student demonstrations and lobbied for the establishment of a student union organisation. It was during this time that he got in touch with to Professor Hridaynath Durrani who introduced him to Marxism.
When Sheikh Abdullah was freed in 1958, Sampat had already attained the status of a student leader. He was supposed to attend his final year exam during this year. He was taken from his exam location at Islamia College by the men working for Inspector Qadir Ganderbali Ister, and he was kept at Srinagar’s Kothi Bagh for ten days. He failed his assignments, which cost him a year of education.
Once outside, he would frequently criticize Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and his so-called “Gogas” civilian militia. His learned father sent him to Jammu to study law during those tumultuous political times.
After finishing his graduation, he formed the All J&K Low Paid Government Employees Federation. The Association was recognized in 1964.
In the following years, 37 departments of Class IV employees, teachers and other low paid employees joined the Sampat led Federation.
Sampat’s father was miffed to learn that his law studies had been put on hold. However, he was also pleased to see his son taking part in a movement.
Sampat’s Red Movement had begun to make waves in Kashmir Valley. He was threatened with suspension and imprisonment as he called for a two-day walkout to protest the Central Daily Allowance, the establishment of the Pay Commission, and other working-class complaints. But that worked for me, he adds. “As I began receiving half my salary each month, I made the decision to attack head-on.”
Then, in 1968, Sampat issued the appeal for a protest known as “Pen Down, Chalk Down, Tool Down, and Wheel Down.” Chalk Down was for the teachers, Pen Down was for the staff, Tool Down for the transporters, and Wheel Down was for the commuters.
When the Naxalite Movement had just begun in India adopted, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was unable to stand by as government workers supported an armed conflict. She then contacted Sadiq and warned him not to let Naxalism spread over the valley. It was during this time that Sampat Prakash went underground.
On March 18, 1968, When Sampat Prakash had returned home for a short duration, he was arrested and later lodged in Jammu’s Interrogation centre and then to Central Jail in Jammu, where he was kept in solitary confinement.
He spent four months in Jammu jail. As he faced harsh treatment, Sampat sent a letter to the Supreme Court of India in May 1968 to appraise the court of the treatment meted out at the prisoners. The court ordered that Sampat Prakash be produced before it. He was taken to Delhi and lodged in Tihar Jail.
The Indian Supreme Court, meanwhile, debated Article 35-A which prevented the application of Preventive Detention Act on a resident of Jammu Kashmir.
A five-member Constitutional Bench upheld the preventative detention. According to their ruling, the person in custody is not guilty; therefore, the authority to hold them in custody is not a sanctioning power. The Supreme Court debated it for several days.
However, a bigger bench was asked to discuss the issue further.
The hearing started after a month. The bench discussed for a few days before concluding that Article 35-A is correct. Until the state’s Legislative Assembly passes the act with its own provisions, it cannot be applied to the detainee.
When the state subject law was repealed over 50 years later, Sampat filed a petition to stand up for it.
Sampat met with AG Noorani, Ram Jethmalani, Nandita Haksar, Prashant Bhushan, Sham Lal Papoo, and other legal professionals in 2015 who shared their position that the Supreme Court lacks the authority to hear an appeal because a full bench rendered the decision.