As the assembly elections approach, the Uri constituency in Jammu Kashmir has emerged as a critical battleground, drawing attention due to its unique political dynamics.
The Uri Assembly Constituency has a total electorate of 1,04,813, with 53,872 male voters and 50,941 female voters.
No third-gender voters are registered in this constituency which will go to polls on October 1.
The key players are Choudhary Taj Mohiuddin, leader of the Democratic Progressive Azad Party (DPAP) and a former Congressman, and Dr. Sajad Shafi Ganie of the National Conference (NC).
The recent alliance between Mohiuddin and Syed Mohammad Altaf Bukhari, leader of the Apni Party, has added a new layer of complexity to the contest.
On September 9, Bukhari publicly pledged his unconditional support for Mohiuddin, a move that has invigorated the latter’s campaign. Apni Party workers, who were previously opposed to Mohiuddin, have shifted their allegiance, rallying behind him and enhancing his campaign efforts.
This newfound support is crucial, as the Apni Party’s grassroots presence, though smaller than the NC’s, can significantly impact voter sentiment in Uri.
In response, Dr. Sajad Shafi has escalated his campaign, launching pointed accusations against Mohiuddin. He claims that Mohiuddin is acting as a proxy for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), alleging that he visited Delhi to negotiate support from BJP leaders.
Shafi’s assertion that Mohiuddin colluded with Bukhari to undermine the NC’s position reflects the desperation of the National Conference to maintain its stronghold in a constituency where it has historically dominated.
The electoral history of the Uri constituency reveals significant shifts in political allegiances and voter preferences over the decades.
During the last elections held in 2014, Mohammad Shafi of the Jammu Kashmir National Conference (JKNC) secured victory with 24,359 votes. He was followed by Aijaz Ali Khan of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), who garnered 18,567 votes, while veteran politician Taj Mohiuddin stood third with 16,588 votes.
The constituency’s election history illustrates how political control in Uri has evolved. Since 1962, the seat has oscillated between the National Conference, Indian National Congress, and independent candidates.
The first recorded victory in 1962 went to Mohammad Afzal Khan Raja of the JKNC. Five years later, M. M. Khan of the Congress won the seat in 1967, marking a temporary shift in power. By 1972, Mohammad Shafi, running as an independent candidate, took the seat, only for the National Conference to regain it in 1977.
Notably, the National Conference maintained its dominance through the 1980s and 1990s, though data for those years remains incomplete. Taj Mohiuddin of the Congress emerged as a key figure in the early 2000s, winning the seat in 2002 and holding onto it during the 2008 elections. However, in 2014, the JKNC regained its stronghold with Mohammad Shafi’s victory, reflecting a resurgence of support for the party in Uri.
The 2014 election marked a significant turning point, as the JKNC candidate won despite fierce competition from PDP’s Aijaz Ali Khan and Congress’s Taj Mohiuddin.
“Aijaz Ali Khan is not active in politics anymore. He stood second in the assembly polls in 2014, however, he joined the People’s Conference, he lost the elections and quit JKPC,” Mohammed Adil, a political expert from Baramulla told The Kashmiriyat.
He said that the Uri constituency has seen varied political allegiances over the years, with power shifting between the JKNC, Congress, and independent candidates.
“As the upcoming elections approach, it remains a key battleground, with historical trends indicating that voter preferences could swing in any direction,” said Adil.
The future political trajectory of Uri will depend on how effectively candidates engage with the evolving concerns of its electorate, in a region where political affiliations have been anything but static.
Mohiuddin has vehemently rejected the allegations of being pro BJP, even announcing plans to file a First Information Report (FIR) against Shafi for misinformation.
He has challenged his opponent to substantiate his claims, emphasizing that he has not visited Delhi in months.
This back-and-forth has intensified the political atmosphere in Uri, making it a focal point of attention as election day draws near.
“The political landscape is further complicated by the dynamics of the Pahari community, which was initially expected to support the BJP but has shifted its allegiance to Mohiuddin due to the absence of a BJP candidate in Uri,” Adil feels.
He said that the community perceives the NC as “antagonistic” towards their demand for reservation, further consolidating support for Mohiuddin.
Adding to Mohiuddin’s campaign strength is the endorsement from prominent Shia leader Najeeb Naqvi, who is mobilizing support in Shia-dominated areas like Kamalkote and Noorkhah.
“The backing of such influential figures enhances Mohiuddin’s appeal among key voter demographics,” the expert feels.
While the NC has the advantage of a youthful candidate in Dr. Sajad Shafi. “National Conference’s Mohammed Shafi ended old regimes in Uri and ruled for nearly 30 years. His role in launching the Rehbar-e-Taleem scheme, which provided jobs to many, built a loyal cadre that still stands by the party for the livelihoods he secured,” a local said.
“Shafi’s leadership in Uri, particularly his ability to offer employment through key schemes, has cemented the National Conference’s support base over decades.”
**Direct Speech:**
An old Congress supporter expressed dissatisfaction, stating, “Taj’s shifting loyalties—from Congress to DPAP and now as an independent—are causing concern. We’ll only vote for him if he re-joins Congress.” Meanwhile, another party insider highlighted, “Despite Er Rashid’s wave, Omar Abdullah of the NC still managed to secure over 22,000 votes in the Uri constituency, while Er Rashid garnered 28,000 votes. Taj Mohiuddin extended unconditional support to Er Rashid during the parliamentary elections, even allowing his Chandanwari residence to serve as Rashid’s head office in Uri. Most of the polling agents came from Taj’s camp.” Taj, addressing the issue, remarked, “The lead Rashid received in Uri was due to my support.”
Despite the strong presence of Er Rashid, Omar Abdullah managed to secure over 22,000 votes in the Uri constituency, while Rashid received 28,000 votes.
Taj extended his full support to Er Rashid during the parliamentary elections, allowing his Chandanwari residence to be used as Rashid’s headquarters in Uri, and most polling agents were from Taj’s group. Taj himself claimed that Er Rashid’s lead in Uri was due to his support, despite which Uri was one of the few areas where Omar Abdullah was in lead.
Mohiuddin has said that National conference has “Khandani Raj”—a reference to dynastic politics that many voters are eager to move beyond.
Many locals expressed displeasure with Taj Mohiuddin’s shifting allegiance from Congress to DPAP and now as an independent candidate.
They mentioned that they would vote for him only if he returned to Congress. “Taj’s shifting loyalties—from Congress to DPAP and now as an independent—are causing concern. We’ll only vote for him if he re-joins Congress,” a local told The Kashmiriyat.
The election is poised to be a nail-biter, with potentially only a few hundred votes separating the candidates.
Shafi Uri the former MLA of the seat has a massive following in Uri and his son Dr. Sajad will be mostly depending on his father’s work to bag the seat.
As the campaign continues, the alliance between Bukhari and Mohiuddin, coupled with the shifting dynamics among voter bases, sets the stage for a highly competitive contest in Uri.