Basit Shah
Shahid Wani was in love with a girl from a ‘lower caste,’ for several years, however, last year when he spoke to his parents about it. He was met with rejection from his mother. “Despite the emotional turmoil, that we had to undergo, my family did not agree to marry me to a woman from the Sheikh caste,” said Shahid, a resident of Rainawari Srinagar.
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Referred to as ‘Kram’ or ‘Zaat’ in Kashmiri language, caste dictates a person’s societal standing from birth until death, encompassing professions and influencing social aspects, including marriage. Each ‘Zaat’ is intricately linked to a traditional job function, and social privileges are often contingent upon the perceived ‘status of the caste’ within the community.
This historical issue traces its roots back to ancient Kashmir, during the period of Kashmiri Hindus.The caste system, characterized by four categories — Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras — established a hierarchical order. Brahmins, as priests and intellectuals, occupied the apex, followed by Kshatriyas (rulers and warriors), Vaishyas (merchants and traders), and Shudras (laborers and artisans).
Srivara noted that during the rule of Sultan Zain-ul-abidin (1420-70) in medieval Kashmir, there are references to various low castes during this period, such as Dombas, Kiratas, Chandalas, and Nisadas. Many individuals who converted to Islam retained their original surnames. For instance, Kauls, Bhatts, Mantus, Ganais, Aitus, Rainas, and Pundits converted from the Brahman caste, while Dars, Magreys, Rathors, Thakors, Nayaks, Lons, and Chaks came from the Kshatriya caste.
Despite their conversion, they adhered to their old caste rules, retaining their functions, and intermarriages between different groups were exceptions rather than the norm. The activities of the Magres, Rainas, Chaks, and Dars closely resembled those of the feudal lords from the later Hindu period.
The arrival of Muslim divines and philosophers from Persia and Central Asia in the fourteenth century brought Islam to Kashmir. While many Hindus converted, retaining their old surnames, caste-based identities persisted. The caste hierarchy is not exclusive to Kashmiri Hindus; it is discreetly mirrored among Kashmiri Muslims, a facet less acknowledged but equally impactful.
Renowned sociologist Bashir Ahmed Dabla, in his ‘Directory of Caste in Kashmir,’ delineates the caste segregation among Kashmiri Muslims. The hierarchy comprises ‘Syed castes’ at the pinnacle, followed by ‘occupational castes’ and ‘service castes.’ Syeds, considering themselves superior, claim descent from Prophet Muhammad’s family and played a pivotal role in introducing Islam to Kashmir.
Among the marginalized ‘service castes,’ the ‘Sheikh’ community stands out, caught between a caste conundrum. If ‘Sheikh’ is used as a prefix, it signifies an upper caste, but as a surname, it denotes belonging to the ‘sweeper-community.’ This nuanced stratification extends to the Waatals, who are commonly referred to as ‘Sheikhs’ yet bear the burden of societal ostracization.
One of the major issues that the community faces is the inter-caste marriages. Though the Syeds often are targeted for their intra-caste marriages, but every Kashmiri who is not a Sheikh fails to recognize the fact that no caste marries people from the Sheikh caste. The caste dynamics in Kashmir often make inter-caste marriages a challenging endeavor, with societal norms and prejudices acting as significant barriers.
“My mother was only concerned about the caste. It was more important to her than anything else,” Shahid said. He talks about the time his mother disapproved of his past relationship just because of caste differences. His story shows how strong caste prejudices can be, affecting not only personal relationships but also family decisions.
Though seldom-discussed, it is deeply entrenched issue. Despite assertions by Kashmiris, particularly Muslims, refuting the existence of caste segregation, the unfortunate reality paints a different picture. Caste discrimination remains a prevailing concern in the Kashmir Valley.
The Complex Web of Matrimony
In the labyrinthine bylanes of Bachi Darwaza,, is a Sheikh ghetto on the outskirts of Srinagar’s Old City. The squalid conditions of the mohalla, often considered encroachment, paints a contrasting picture to the affluent facade of Srinagar. Even though people from the Sheikh Caste carry this surname but they are most commonly referred as ‘Waatals’ in the region. Waatal is used as a slur in Kashmir. The community continues to live in extreme poverty, without land or opportunities for better employment or education. They remain marginalized from economic, educational, and social opportunities, and suffer from poor health care.
The traditional occupation of Sheikh Community has been manual scavenging, sweeping and cleaning. The cleaning of city and unblocking the sewerage pipes is mainly carried out by the members of this caste. They are restricted to tasks and occupations that are deemed too “filthy” or “polluting” for higher-castes. The members of this group mainly join the sanitation department of Municipal corporations to carry out these sweeping and cleaning tasks in the region.
Members of this group are highly discriminated in daily life. The people from higher castes refuse to mingle with the people who belong to the service class. ‘Waatals’ are mostly looked down upon and disesteemed by the people who belong to higher castes. In social gatherings, Waatals are disregarded and excluded. The higher class people usually turn their backs on them. The people from upper castes even refrain from shaking hands with them. There have been many incidents in the region where the people have refused in one way or another to eat in the same Wazwan-platter (Trami) with the people who belong to ‘Sheikh’ caste.
In these lanes of Bachi Darwaza, another deep rooted problem is evident. Many young men are mostly married to Rohingya and non-Local girls as finding a bride for these “outcaste” men is almost impossible. “Must be around seven to eight girls from Rohingya ethnicity and at least four non-Locals (Biharis),” Ghulam Hassan Sheikh, a resident said.
To Shaista Sheikh, 31, who is divorced now, her marriage with a higher caste turned out to be a disaster. Shaista married Junaid, a Baramulla resident five years ago. When Junaid told his parents of his love with Shaista, they were furious about his decision to marry Shaista. Despite the disapproval, they proceeded with their marriage. However, the decision came with consequences as Junaid’s parents disowned him. The wedding ceremony unfolded at a Darul Uloom, away from the familial support the couple had hoped.
For the next two years, the couple lived in a rented room. Following the birth of their first child, the relationship between Junaid and his family improved. They moved back to his parents’ house, but for Shaista’s in-laws, she remained an outsider. She endured taunts for every small mistake, always linked to her caste. “During the family gatherings, my parents and family were never invited. It hurt me every time they have to face such humiliation because of me,” she shared with a lump in her throat.
She revealed that her family became verbally abusive, and Junaid consistently sided with them. “I didn’t give up, but one day, I forgot to clean the washroom. Junaid’s father used that as an opportunity to bring up my caste. In response, Junaid grabbed my hand and forcefully dropped me outside my father’s house. Since then, I haven’t heard anything from them,” she recounted.
Shaista, being a ‘lower caste’ woman, committed ‘two crimes’ by marrying Junaid. Firstly, by choosing to love and marry of his own free will defying the patriarchal norms. Secondly, by marrying an upper caste, she seemingly breached the societal norm of Sheikhs being forced to marry within their caste. Shaista’s financial standing also played a role, as Junaid’s father likely couldn’t accept a daughter-in-law from a ‘lower caste’ based on any grounds.
“We are concerned about potential mistreatment towards our daughters, so we prefer to keep marriages within the community. Unlike some other communities, we don’t allow our women to work as manual scavengers and ensure our daughters receive education similar to our sons,” says Ghulam Hassan.